Opinion

Settle in for Long Harper Reign

Seat tallies tell the tale. Tories won bigger than pundits said.

By Will McMartin, 21 Oct 2008, TheTyee.ca

Graph of Minority Governments

His minority is of historic strength.

Canadians whose politics are to the left of centre won't like to hear this: Stephen Harper and his Conservative-minority government probably are going to be in power a long, long time. Or, at least, as long as Harper himself wants.

This observation not only will disappoint (and infuriate) non-Tories; it likely also will surprise them. That's because nearly all members of Canada's vast punditocracy have declared that a minority government is, first, inherently unstable, and second, disappointing for Harper insofar as it is not the majority he is said to have wanted when he called the election.

These analyses, however, view Harper's minority from the wrong perspective. That is, they observe how far short the Tories fell from achieving a majority, rather than calculating the vast distance between the Conservatives and the official Opposition, the Liberals.

So, while it's true that Harper's Tories, with 143 House of Commons seats, are a dozen short of the 155 needed for a majority government, the point is largely irrelevant.

The key metric is that the Conservatives are a stunning 67 seats ahead of the Grits, who elected just 76 MPs.

As the chart above illustrates, there is an interesting correlation between the seat-advantage a minority government holds over the official Opposition, and the length of time between general elections when the minority is in power.

Generally, the greater the seat-advantage for a minority government over the official Opposition, the greater the number of months before the minority again faces the electorate.

And, as is clearly shown in the chart above, Harper's Conservatives have just obtained the biggest seat-advantage of any minority in Canadian history. How astonishing would it be if, as a consequence of that enormous plurality, they also were to enjoy a longer term in office than any previous minority government?

Charting Harper's victory

In the chart above, the vertical yellow bars show, in ascending order from left to right, the seat advantage held by each of Canada's minority governments over its official Opposition.

Starting from the left, consider the first six yellow bars. After the 1972 general election, Pierre Trudeau's Liberals held a mere two-seat advantage over Robert Stanfield's Progressive Conservatives. The tally was 109 seats to 107.

Then, after the 1957 and 1962 general elections, John Diefenbaker's Tories had narrow seven- and 16-seat pluralities over the Liberals (led by Louis St. Laurent in the former tilt, and Lester Pearson in the latter). The Progressive Conservatives elected 112 MPs and the Grits returned 105 in the first contest; the numbers were 116 and 100 respectively in the second.

The fourth yellow bar shows that after the 1925 general election, Arthur Meighen's Conservatives held a 17-seat advantage in MPs over Mackenzie King's Liberals: 116 to 99. (See footnote below.)

The fifth is the 2006 federal general election, when Stephen Harper's Conservatives elected 124 MPs, and Paul Martin's Liberals had 103. The difference was 21.

Finally, in 1979, Joe Clark's Tories enjoyed a 22-seat advantage over Pierre Trudeau and the Liberals, with 136 MPs to 114.

To sum up, the six general elections considered here ended with minority governments, and those minorities all enjoyed a relatively small advantage in the number of seats -- ranging from two to 22 -- over the official Opposition.

The long and short of past minority governments

Consider now the black-dotted line for those same six general elections. The line represents the number of months between the general election that put the minority government into office, and the next, or subsequent, general election.

It is evident that just one of the minority governments elected in these six contests lasted longer than two years. Indeed, for four of those six minorities, the period between their initial electoral victory and the subsequent election was 10 months or less.

The exceptions were Pierre Trudeau's Liberals in 1972, which lasted about 20 months, and Stephen Harper's Conservatives in 2006, which remained in power for about 33 months.

Trudeau's minority lasted as long as it did thanks to support from the New Democratic Party (in return for the implementation of some NDP policies), while Harper's was aided by disarray in the opposition Liberal Party -- Paul Martin's resignation, a lengthy and divisive leadership convention, and the unwillingness of the new leader, Stephane Dion, to defeat Harper until the Grits had begun to reduce their party and personal debts, and developed new policies (notably the Green Shift).

It seems evident that minority governments with a comparatively narrow seat-advantage over the official Opposition usually stay in power for relatively brief periods of time.

(Merely as a point of interest, consider that the average seat-advantage these six minorities held over their official Opposition was roughly 14, while the average number of months from their initial election victory to the next tilt was about 15.)

Harper broke 1921 record

It is a different scenario for minority administrations with a larger seat advantage over the official opposition. Consider the next four yellow bars, representing Canada's general elections in 1965, 1963, 2004 and 1921.

Lester Pearson headed two Liberal minorities: the first after he defeated Diefenbaker's Progressive Conservative government in 1963, and the second after he bested the former prime minister in a rematch two years later. In the first tilt, Pearson's Grits elected 129 MPs, and in the second, 131. Dief's Tories, meanwhile, returned 95 and 97 respectively.

The Liberals' seat-advantage over the Progressive Conservative opposition following both contests was 34. Coincidentally, the time that elapsed between the 1963 and 1965 general elections was 30 months; and, between the 1965 and 1968 battles, 32 months.

Four decades later, after the 2004 federal general election, Paul Martin's Liberals enjoyed a near-identical 36-seat plurality over Stephen Harper's Conservatives. The Grits elected 135 MPs, while the Tories had 99.

One might have thought the Martin government would remain in power for about as long as the two Pearson minorities -- that is, nearly three years. But in November 2005, the three opposition parties combined in the House of Commons to defeat Martin's minority, as each calculated that a general election would strengthen their caucuses.

It proved a good move for the Conservatives, who gained 25 seats and formed a new minority government, as well as for the New Democrats, who added 10 MPs. The Bloc Quebecois largely treaded water, losing three.

All told, the Martin minority remained in power for only about a year and a half.

The final example is from 1921, when Mackenzie King's Liberals won 116 parliamentary seats -- just two shy of a majority. The insurgent Progressive Party was next with 64 seats, and the Conservatives trailed with 50.

The Grit seat advantage over the Progressives was 52, and, coincidentally, the King government did not face voters for another 47 months following their minority win.

Until the recent 2008 federal general election, the seat-advantage recorded by Liberals in 1921 was the largest in Canadian history. To date, the King government is the country's longest-lasting minority administration.

How media misread Tory victory

We come now to the election held Oct. 14, in which Harper's Conservatives captured 143 seats, and Stephane Dion's Liberals took 76. The discrepancy in seats between the minority government and the official Opposition is 67, now the biggest in Canadian history.

By law, Canada's next federal general election is scheduled for October 2012 -- four years from now. Should Stephen Harper's Conservatives remain in power until that time, they will become the country's longest-lasting minority government, surpassing by about a month that of Mackenzie King's 1921-1925 administration.

Of course, it's possible that the Liberals, Bloc Quebecois and New Democrats could all join together to defeat the government before 2012. But such a scenario, which seems unrealistic on its face, is at best a long way off given the near-certainty of another divisive Liberal leadership contest.

It's also possible that Harper, himself, could pull the plug on his minority administration at some point before the next fixed election date -- just as he did in September -- although such a move would make an utter mockery of Harper's own, now-tarnished, fixed-election law.

All of that seems a long, long way off, however. What we know for sure is that the country's news media yet again has misread the meaning of a Canadian election. Stephen Harper's minority government will be in power much longer than any pundit now foresees.

A footnote

The foregoing analysis defines a minority government as one that elected a plurality, and not a majority, of MPs in the preceding general election. Further, it references the number of months between federal general elections, which is not the same as the number of months a minority government actually was in office. There are several reasons for this distinction; here are the two most-obvious.

First, the 1921 general election left Mackenzie King's Liberals with 116 of 235 seats in the House of Commons -- two shy of a majority. Over the next four years, the Grits gained a parliamentary majority when Progressive MPs crossed the floor to join the government, but returned to minority status after losing byelections. In other words, although King obtained only a minority in the general election, he sometimes had a majority of parliamentary seats during the next four years.

Second, Arthur Meighen's Tories "won" the 1925 general election in the sense that they took more seats than any other party, 116 compared to 99 for King's Liberals. But King refused to leave the prime minister's office and, with support from the Progressives, continued to govern for about eight months.

Finally, facing defeat in the House of Commons, King asked the Governor General, Lord Byng, to dissolve Parliament and accede to another election -- a request Byng refused. (This is the genesis of the famed King-Byng affair.) At that point, in June 1926, Meighen became prime minister. Three months later, after the Meighen government was defeated in the House and another general election took place, King and the Liberals were returned with a majority.

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19  Comments:

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  • murdock

    3 years ago

    Blocked by the BloQ

    The BQ will not co-operate in many ventures with the Liberals, nor likely to do so with the NDP.

    So long as the Conservatives are willing to share the power (over items of interest to the BQ) about Quebec issues you will see them support the Conservatives.

    Continued and extended 'support' like this may see the Conservatives loosing support from their western base...the 'separation' wedge may come from the west, tiring of paying for the Ottawa promises to Quebec.

  • Skywalker

    3 years ago

    Different rules.

    The only reason the minority Harper government lasted as long as it did is because of fixed election dates. All other minority governments operated without these limits. Had it not been for fixed election dates Harper would have called an election much sooner. He didn't want to break his own law so soon. He had to set the stage for a dysfunctional parliament. If it last longer this time it will be because the economy gets worse, or the liberals become a real threat with a new leader. Either one is possible.

  • Budd Campbell

    3 years ago

    Election in 2012

    I agree there will be an election in 2012. But then I was surprised we had this one instead of 2009.

    The increased Conservative plurality, the fairly major Liberal defeat coupled with ongoing leadership and financial troubles in that party, and the rejuvenated Bloc all argue for a long period without an election.

    The NDP might be tempted to press for an earlier election if, and only if, its polling numbers start to improve to the next level, that is into the mid-twenties. But for them to end this parliament would require the consent of two other parties, and if the NDP is into the mid-twenties, the Liberals will be into the teens.

    So 2012 it is.

  • dave49

    3 years ago

    The Bloc

    A friend of a friend advanced the theory a few years ago that with the Bloc Quebecois' strong pull in Quebec and a growing Green party to split the left-centre vote, it would make majority governments very difficult in the future.

    I now think he's right. The Bloc consistently ties up about 50 seats - one sixth of Parliament! The Liberals are still tainted by the sponsorship scandal. The Tories/Alliance/Reform misread Quebec views on culture/identity and youth justice and alienated them (have you seen Culture in Peril? [http://ie.youtube.com/watch?v=Uhgv85m852Q]. For all the 'socialist' leanings of Quebec society, I fail to understand why the NDP has made so few inroads.

    It's like one commentator observed a few years ago, Quebec is like the Rock of Gibraltar. Impenetrable.

    I was born and raised in Quebec and still can't understand them...

  • G West

    3 years ago

    dave49

    I think you need to look a little more closely at the Quebec results...they are the only really bright light for the Liberals from Oct 14...and be sure to note how many more seats there are within 200 - 500 votes of being Liberal again.

    I think the sponsorship taint is pretty much over in PQ and the Liberals will use their Quebec base to build on - Dion WAS not popular in Quebec and almost any leader will do better there next time.

    I still think the possibility exists - if the opposition is smart enough - to defeat Harper early and ask for a chance to govern....without another election.

    Separatist feelings are at a low and I think Duceppe is pragmatic enough to know a good chance when he sees it.....

    Of course, the Liberals talk of being strong supporters of the 'people' and their interests always comes a cropper of their own entitlement and ambition so it probably won't happen even though it COULD...

  • egmont rapids

    3 years ago

    skywalker

    Sorry you are mistaken as to why the "Harper" lasted as long as he did,it had nothing to do with fixed election dates.
    The Dion Liberals didn`t have the balls or polling numbers to pull the trigger earlier.
    Considering the finacial state of the Liberal party today don`t expect an election soon.

    The "rae" Liberals will be a ineffective opposition again,this will bode well for the NDP to become the "official opposition" in the next federal election.

    If the Liberals sit out votes or sit on their hands like they did the last 2 years will spell the death march of the Liberals,the NDP under this scenario will appear to be a strong,effective and the next official opposition! cheers

  • sirjohna

    3 years ago

    all of the above analysis

    all of the above analysis goes right out the window if frank mckenna agrees to run for the liberals b/c they'd win handily. he'd be nuts to do so but stranger things have happened.

  • Budd Campbell

    3 years ago

    Frank McKenna, meet John Turner

    sirjohna
    "all of the above analysis goes right out the window if frank mckenna agrees to run for the liberals ... "

    SirJohn, ... we heard the same sentiments expressed about John Turner a quarter century ago. McKenna knows that the Liberal financial problem is fundamentally insoluble. The voters that the Liberal Party attracts are not interested in contributing financially to its cause, they believe that the money should be put up by someone else.

  • ME2

    3 years ago

    Budd

    Budd, how long has the Liberal's financial problem been around? Is the debt too large to have a reasonable chance of being paid back, or what?

  • alda

    3 years ago

    woolly-headed thinking rules

    All I see is a great deal of woolly-headed, stubborn thinking from opposition parties these days - here in Alberta as well as federally.

    We live in a CONQUER AND DIVIDE world, and until the backroom political egos accept the truth of that, Canadians will be held ransom, ad infinitum.

  • Budd Campbell

    3 years ago

    For over 20 years

    ME2
    Budd, how long has the Liberal's financial problem been around?

    As long ago as the mid 1980s it was noted by people studying the Elections Canada financial data that the Liberals did not have anywhere near the individual donor base of the Conservatives, and in some years they came in behind the NDP in that category. Far more than the Tories, the Liberals were dependent on corporate donations. So the problem is of long standing.

    With corporate donations now banned, the problem has gone critical in the last two election cycles. A Globe and Mail story this weekend on the thinking around the next Liberal leadership convention quoted one typically unnamed source as saying "everything is being driven by money", ... by which he meant the relative lack of it.

  • ROBBINS Sce Research

    3 years ago

    It is my opinion that Mr.

    It is my opinion that Mr. Martin's thesis is subverted somewhat by the history of the Bloc Quebecois in Canadians politics.

    A Jean Charest majority in Quebec depletes its strength further.

  • ROBBINS Sce Research

    3 years ago

    Amend to read Mr. McMartin

    Amend to read Mr. McMartin

  • RickW

    3 years ago

    As was the case in the lprevious parliament....

    Harper will threaten to make everything a non-confidence issue, and the Libs will allow this, as they have no leader and no financing to fight an election soon. Harper will buy BQ off (if necessary) to maintain his defacto "majority". The only possible way out is for the opposition parties to form a coalition and have the Governor General put paid to a coalition government.

  • bud carlos

    3 years ago

    Buy the BQ?

    Why would Harper buy off the BQ, RickW? He won't ever have to. Those are the 50 seats he wants. So he'll turn the screw on the BQ. In his position he won't have to
    appease any of the minorities . It won't be too long after Stephane departs that Jack will be gone, too. Our man Stephen will have just one good target left. Gilles!

  • realisticman

    3 years ago

    Better odds of winning the 6/49

    How many votes for the Liberals would Ujjal win in Québec?

    "Dosanjh mulls run for Liberal leadership
    Tim Lai, Vancouver Sun
    Published: Saturday, October 25, 2008

    Vancouver South MP Ujjal Dosanjh is considering a bid for the leadership of the Liberal Party of Canada, now that he's been officially re-elected following a recount in which he defeated Conservative Wai Young by 22 votes.

    "I haven't ruled myself out," said the former federal health minister. "I said last time in 2006 that I don't speak French and I don't speak French now, but ultimately, I think people need to figure out whether it's all about languages in this country or whether you represent compassion, inclusion and social justice and a better place for Canada in the world. I believe I represent all of those things."

  • G West

    3 years ago

    Ujjal and compassion

    Now there's a match made in heaven...but where does he see himself on the rage/resentment scale?

  • realisticman

    3 years ago

    Keep Moving

    Dosanjh will probably be thinking that he should keep moving away from his left origins. Judging from the fact that only 22 votes separated him from his Conservative opponent, the next time he might jump to the up-and-coming party.

  • G West

    3 years ago

    I think, in the light of sober second thought

    And I understand the recount may be appealed, Ujjal will likely recognize he's reached his best-before date and return to the practice of law...I'd say Vancouver voters have just about had enough of David Emerson and 'liberals' who think they can only do their best work for whomever happens to be in power. As a leader of the Natural Governing Party and possible Prime Minister he just doesn’t compute.

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