Opinion

A Tyee Series

Whose Cash Backs Your Local Politicians? Don't Ask!

Campaign money info hard to get: study.

By Denisa Gavan-Koop, 2 Nov 2007, TheTyee.ca

Silhouette man with hand up (Stop!)

Access denied' in Lower Mainland, Fraser Valley.

[Editor's note: Wednesday and Thursday Tyee reporter Monte Paulsen revealed civic election spending and regulation in Vancouver is out of control. As this article shows, major barriers to transparency exist in other B.C. cities, as well.]

This week, Vancouver Coun. Heather Deal is proposing stringent new limits on corporate and union donations to municipal candidates. These limits would "level the playing field" among candidates for municipal office.

However, Coun. Deal's reforms will have less impact if citizens do not have access to information regarding donations to candidates and the expenses of candidates.

A recent study by the Urban Governance Institute at Simon Fraser University suggests that citizens who wish to access the documents that contain this important information will experience significant problems.

Campaign finance documents summarize the names of campaign contributors and how much these contributors donate to campaigns. These documents also state how candidates spend money during and between election campaigns. Such documents allow the public to view the extent to which corporations and businesses are linked to candidates for municipal office, incumbents and newcomers alike.

Our study requested copies of the 1999 municipal election financial statements submitted by mayoral candidates and councillor candidates and the retention/destruction policies of all 27 municipalities in the Fraser Valley and Lower Mainland.

We encountered four problems in particular that illustrate how these documents may oftentimes be inaccessible to regular citizens.

The first problem involves obtaining a response from the municipalities.

The Local Government Act states that financial statements are to be kept as a matter of public record seven years during which time anyone can request to see a candidate's campaign finance statements. The majority of the municipalities responded within the allotted time period. However, eight municipalities (Belcarra, Coquitlam, Harrison Hot Springs, Lions Bay, Pitt Meadows, Richmond, Surrey and Hope) did not respond within the 30-day time limit and as a result their responses are "deemed refusal" in law according to the B.C. Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act.

The municipality of Hope failed to reply even after two additional requests for information.

The second problem we encountered was difficulty in accessing campaign finance statements.

The municipalities of White Rock, Burnaby, Harrison Hot Springs copied and mailed to us the 1999 financial statements for their mayoral and councillor candidates. However, 22 municipalities stated that the documents could only be viewed during regular office hours at each municipal building and could not be photocopied. The City of Port Coquitlam mistakenly destroyed its 1999 campaign finance statements, rendering that information irretrievably lost.

In addition, we encountered problems while attempting to review documents in two municipalities. The researcher collecting data from Port Coquitlam City Hall was forced to review the documents under the watchful supervision of the city clerk. Collecting data at Surrey City Hall was made especially difficult. The researcher was prohibited from photocopying the documents and was permitted to review the documents only while sitting on a bench across from the city clerk's office where no power jack was available.

Collecting any meaningful information from thick campaign finance documents under such circumstances was nearly impossible.

The third problem revealed was the amount charged for accessing the information.

Of the three municipalities that copied and sent us the documents, White Rock did not request payment. In contrast, Harrison Hot Springs sent copies along with a bill for $34.87, payment due immediately. The municipality of Maple Ridge did not send copies but only a bill for $63.75 (225 pages @ .25/copy), "upon receipt of this payment, the records will be copied and mailed to you." These expenses create a barrier for average citizens to access information. Close to $100.00 is needed to review the 1999 financial records of only two municipalities, Maple Ridge and Harrison Hot Springs. For interested citizens, this is an unreasonable expense.

If municipalities are serious about accessibility to these documents, then restrictions should be minimized or removed. Campaign finance documents should be easily accessible to citizens.

Elections Canada requires that national candidates' financial statements be scanned and made accessible on the Internet. Vancouver City Hall has similarly published all candidates' campaign finance statements for the 2005 municipal election on their website. Given the affordability of publishing such information, all municipalities in the Lower Mainland and Fraser Valley should follow these examples in order to make this information more accessible to the public.

The fourth problem that our study revealed was that 12 out of the 28 municipalities did not even have retention/destruction regulations.

Although the Local Government Act provides vague retention/destruction regulations it seems that municipalities interpret these regulations in their own ways. Retention/destruction policies are important for all municipalities because such policies regulate the schedule of which documents are to be retained and kept available to the public.

Our study reveals major and alarming problems with municipal campaign finance regulations that result in compromising transparency, accountability, accessibly and ultimately the quality of local democracy.

These problems prevent citizens from becoming educated and informed about how much money is donated from individuals, businesses and corporations to mayoral and councillor candidates.

With the absence of limits on donations and contributions, we are entitled to wonder who might be whispering in the ears of our municipal politicians. The inaccessibility of campaign finance documents means that citizens who wish to find out will encounter significant and oftentimes insurmountable obstacles.

It's time for Lower Mainland and Fraser Valley municipalities to remove those obstacles.

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5  Comments:

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  • murdock

    4 years ago

    tongue in cheek...then not.

    Quote:
    It's time for Lower Mainland and Fraser Valley municipalities to remove those obstacles.

    but then how would the 'business' of city hall go on?

    ...

    placing obstacles, or obfuscation, is the number one priority of all buraucracies isn't it?

  • Grumpy

    4 years ago

    You want to know who pays off local politicos.......

    ........just see what mega projects are approved in one's city. Councils tend to vote for those projects for who pay the most money for their reelection slush oops I mean reelection campaigns.

  • Working Memory

    4 years ago

    Dan Rather

    Not to take away anything from the Tyee, but considering that local mainstream news media refuses to deal responsibly with issues like this maybe we should all be contacting Dan Rather to look into it.

    He's in town turning Vancouverites and 2010 upside down so if you email him today you might be able to get him to look at this issue too.

    Here's his contact info . . .
    http://www.hd.net/contacts.html

  • G West

    4 years ago

    Maybe

    Miro Cernetig is finally starting to show some promise.

    I'm not sure Dickensian is the 'right image...I'd have thought something a bit more 'ragtime' would have been better. But then I suppose Rather's entitled to pick and use his own metaphor.

    Still, it could be interesting Maurice. btw I like your idea of a volunteer boycott.

  • Bailey

    4 years ago

    Grumpy's right, but

    It's a good practice to follow the money, but it's too indirect to be admissable as evidence.

    If we think (and I do) that these "contributions" amount to bribes and constitute public corruption, then we need proper direct evidence linking the bribe to the benefit. Showing the involvement of the party or the politician himself.

    The situation is complicated by the fact that those who receive this money also have the opportunities necessary to change the laws making corruption illegal.

    It's quite possible that such payments are not technically crimes any more, but while the lists are hidden, there is hope that exposing them could be good for society.

    I mean, the information wouldn't need to BE hidden if it wasn't somehow dangerous to the payers and the payees. Would it?

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