So perhaps one of Clark's problems as premier is she has the skills to be a populist but might not be surrounded by those who have populist instincts, represent the commons or, at the very least, are in tune with the concerns of the commons.

That might explain why the premier said earlier this month British Columbia has a "thriving middle class," even though a recent Conference Board of Canada report suggests otherwise.

Or could it be that Clark simply hasn't had an opportunity to really take on an elite?

There is no I in Clark's team

Nevertheless, there's no denying Clark is reliant on her inner circle in a way Campbell never was. Her predecessor wanted to control almost everything his administration did, from policy to communications. Clark has always been content to focus on being the brand for a team of supporters who are responsible for everything else -- in some cases, since the beginnings of her political career.

For example, her brother Bruce has a reputation for being one of Clark's big rainmakers, raising money for her campaigns -- although he says that role has been long "eclipsed" by a "very strong team of people who do that." Deputy chief of staff Kim Haakstad has long been the premier's body man, accompanying Clark wherever she goes. And then there's Athana Mentzelopoulos, the premier's deputy minister of corporate priorities, who has long been the one who enforces Clark's decisions.

Clark allows her inner circle a considerable amount of independence, which is one of the reasons why some of them are just ambitious for her as she is for herself. For example, Clark decided to run for the Non-Partisan Association's mayoral nomination and the Liberal leadership after her supporters had essentially created those opportunities for her.

But, since the premier came to power, that circle has been lacking in two important ways. First, it doesn't appear to include anyone with a strong reputation for policy development.

When Clark was the public face of the ministry of education, Emery Dosdall shouldered that responsibility. Hired in 2001 to be the civil service head of that ministry, the former Edmonton school superintendant came with an international reputation for having remade that city's public education system -- as well as an expectation he'd do the same in British Columbia.

But there doesn't appear to be anyone with a similar reputation in the premier's office. In part, that might be because Clark was expecting her cabinet to take more of a lead in the development of her administration's policy. However, that means renovating a culture that, for the past ten years, has seen the premier give cabinet and caucus its marching orders.

Such a project would be difficult for anyone to undertake, let alone a premier whose leadership bid was endorsed by a single MLA. Moreover, it's unclear whether its completion would actually result in a coherent or compelling policy agenda given that compliance was treasured just as much talent under the Campbell administration.

That difficulty in developing policy is compounded by another deficiency in Clark's inner circle: the lack of a political networker.

The premier is a people person, with a talent for making those she speaks with feel special. Strange as it may seem, however, Clark isn't as talented at following-up on those conversations and building them into relationships. Instead, like the talk show host she once was, as soon as a caller disappears from the phone board, they're gone. Only what Clark learned from that conversation remains.

According to those interviewed for this story, that tendency (which has resulted in hurt feelings among even loyal supporters) is principally the result of Clark expending so much of energy being "on" that she doesn't have any remaining for the niceties of networking -- or even closing out some of the countless events she attends.

After all, Clark, despite her reputation for being the life of the party, was also among the first to turn in at the parties she and her now former husband Mark Marissen once hosted, retiring at around 9:00 p.m.

That means she needs someone in her inner circle with a talent for developing, maintaining, reinforcing and extending her presence even when she both literally and metaphorically goes to bed. Clark needs someone who can make and, perhaps most importantly, return calls as her personal representative -- being in constant contact with everyone that matters or might matter.

In the past, that person has been Marissen, who also brought with him a spirit of, for lack of a better word, fun to Clark's team. But while the relationship between the premier and her ex-husband is said to be amicable, the extent of Marissen's involvement with Clark's administration is a matter of considerable debate, even among those familiar with the couple. Moreover, it's unclear what his relationship is with the premier's chief of staff McDonald -- who, in many ways, is the opposite of Marissen.

Unlike Marissen and, interestingly, Clark, McDonald isn't a risk taker, favoring prudence over spontaneity.

As a result, looking at the Clark administration's record to date, it would be reasonable to assume the premier's former partner in risk taking isn't involved in its day-to-day operations.

While some of Clark's decisions have been gimmicky, none have been marked by the same risk Marissen, for example, took when he ran an insurgent campaign against prime minister Jean Chretien's British Columbia supporters, who were characterized as elite, undemocratic, garden party Liberals.

In part, that could be because the Clark administration doesn't have the fiscal wherewithal for boldness. But it might also be indicative of who isn't in the premier's inner circle right now, explaining why her office appears, at times, so bunkered and disconnected -- even though the Clark administration is relatively fresh-faced.

What Clark can change and what she may not

That means Clark could change her political fortunes by changing some of those who surround her -- something many other political leaders have had to do after assuming power.

With an election set for 2013, she doesn't have much time to come to make such a decision.

But doing so wouldn't be out of character for the premier. In the past, she's proven willing to withdraw the independence her favourites enjoy if they don't deliver.

Just ask her sole caucus supporter Harry Bloy, who lasted less than a year as a minister of social development before Clark demoted him to minister of state for multiculturalism.

The unanswered question is whether can take advantage of her populist skills. To do so, it's not enough for Clark to just do what British Columbians want or what she thinks they want. That course will make her administration look directionless, being buffeted left and right by the winds of public opinion.

Instead, she needs to start standing up for British Columbians against an elite. That's what being a populist is about. However, it remains to be seen if she wants to embrace populism and whether her supporters -- as well, the so-called free enterprise party she heads -- will let her.

Because, if she doesn't, the Kodak moment Clark and her family of supporters so relished on March 14 -- the date of her swearing-in-ceremony -- might remain just that... a moment.

[See more Tyee stories in: Politics.]

On Monday: Sean Holman maps the power circle influencing Premier Christy Clark.